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Door Opens for Women to Run for
Office. But Will They Be Allowed In?
By MUJIB MASHAL and DHARISHA BASTIANS

KOTTE, Sri Lanka — Madhu Hettiarachchi has no time right now for the brain
surgery her doctors have recommended. She’s busy trying
to take advantage of an
unprecedented chance to get women elected in Sri Lanka.

Af
ter more than a generation of struggle by women’s rights activists, Sri Lanka’s patriarchal political scheme has, reluctantly, opened up
a bit to require that 25
percent of candidates in local elections be women. Their representation in this island nation, still reeling from a
protracted civil war, remains at a miserable 2 percent of
local government posts, though women make up more than 51 percent of
registered
voters.

When the country goes to the polls on Saturday, a quarter of the 56,000
candidates will be women. In the process of running, many have
faced abuse that
includes sexual assault, intimidation and character assassination. Religious leaders have openly urged their
congregations not to vote for women. But for Ms.Hettiarachchi and other political activists, there is no going back.
“We have fought for this
for two or three decades,” Ms. Hettiarachchi said, her
3 eyes gleaming with excitement. “It’s not an easy thing. But this is a turning point.”

Ms. Hettiarachchi, 49, runs a horticulture export business and volunteers at
Mothers and Daughters of Lanka, a coalition of women’s
organizations. But the work
that has driven her to put off surgery for a dangerous leak of cerebrospinal fluid has been helping 11
candidates, mostly around the Kotte suburb of Colombo, the Sri
Lankan capital.

Only half of them belong to her United National Party. The rest are all independent candidates, joined with Ms. Hettiarachchi in the cause
of seeing more female leaders
in a society where some developmental indicators have been improving but where opportunity for women
has changed little.


The lead-up to the vote has confirmed some of Ms. Hettiarachchi’s concerns.

The female candidates are confronting not only the society’s conservative beliefs, but also deeply entrenched structures of their own
parties that often set them up for
failure. And widespread abusive behavior against the new candidates has been chilling — though some
activists have credited the authorities with being more alert
and responsive than usual, possibly preventing outright violence in some
cases.

“Men in Sri Lanka have for too long dominated politics, and they are now, I think, experiencing delayed shock and denial,” said Chulani
Kodikara, a researcher
and doctoral candidate at the University of Edinburgh. “I think the backlash is manifesting in many different ways
— from parties not
taking the quota too seriously, and therefore not giving sufficient nominations to women at the ward level, to some
political leaders telling voters not to vote for
women and some Muslim religious leaders trying to make a theological argument
against women coming into politics,” Ms. Kodikara said.

She added, “I don’t think we know the full extent of the backlash and might have to wait till after the elections and some proper
documentation.”
Ambika Satkunanathan, a commissioner at Sri Lanka’s independent human rights commission, said the introduction of
the quota was already having an effect as
more women have stepped up to run, their challenges fueling a national conversation. But even
if they are elected, that alone will not be enough, she said.


“I think also important is after they come to office, after they are elected, how
will they perform? Because the structures will remain, the
culture will remain within
the local council, within local municipalities and political parties,” Ms. Satkunanathan said. “So how are they
going to challenge that? We may have elected
women, yes that is great. But if they toe the party line, if they are controlled, what is
the point?”

The local elections are also turning into a referendum of sorts on the performance of President Maithripala Sirisena, who took office in
2015 during the
first transition of power since Sri Lanka’s civil war ended in 2009, after the deaths of about 100,000 people.

Mr. Sirisena broke with the governing party, and won on a campaign of rising
above party politics, rooting out corruption in his
predecessor’s clique, reining in the
military and decentralizing power to address the grievances of minority groups. Critics say he has
since disappointed on all those fronts. Soon after taking office
he also assumed the leadership of his old party, which is now divided
between him
and former President Mahindra Rajapaksa, who presided over the crushing of the Tamil Tiger insurgency and now is a
prominent critic of the government.

Alan Keenan, the Sri Lanka project director for the International Crisis Group, said how Mr. Sirisena’s wing of the party does in the local
votes would determine
whether he refocused on his promised reforms or embraced Mr. Rajapaksa again.

That would be likely to undermine Mr. Sirisena’s reform agenda further. Much of the struggle for the women who are running in the
weekend’s elections
has been against their own internal party structures.

The last time Harshani Sandaruwani ran for the local council in Kotte, in 2011, she missed out by 24 votes. When she wanted to seek a
seat again this year, with Ms.
Hettiarachchi’s help, the local party organizer — an influential post that decides who will represent the party,
and is almost always filled by men — would not allow her.

The prime minister, who is also her party leader, intervened to let her run. But the party assigned her to a neighborhood where she doesn’
t live. Since neither she nor
her immediate family members are registered there, not even they can vote for her.

“It doesn’t matter what the parties think, what the parties feel about women

contesting, the people have come to believe that more women must take to
politics,”


Ms. Sandaruwani said. “People feel that if there are more women in politics, corruption will be reduced.”

Ms. Sandaruwani, 37, has campaigned door to door, visiting each of the neighborhood’s 950 households three times to help develop her
agenda. Her main
slogan: “Women leading against corruption.”

While she is confident she will win her seat this time, she has her eyes on a bigger role: becoming the mayor of Kotte. Her party usually
puts forward the council
candidate who gets the highest winning margin.

But as she has become increasingly prominent, the incumbent mayor, Janaka Ranawaka, has gone on the offensive against her.
When Ms. Sandaruwani called him out for corruption and challenged him to a
public debate, Mayor Ranawaka, 47, responded to her
challenge by going to the men
around her. First, he offered to debate a senior male member of Ms. Sandaruwani’s
party. When she pointed out that she was the candidate, not her male colleague, he
called her brother with a veiled threat, she said.

When Mr. Ranawaka was asked whether he threatened Ms. Sandaruwani, he denied it, saying he didn’t even know her except from a few
campaign posters.

“I will go head to head against opponents who are at my level or status,” he said.

“Why should I look for a fight with some random young girl I don’t know?”

A version of this article appears in print on February 10, 2018, on Page A6 of the New York edition with the headline: Sri Lanka Installs
Quota For Women to Seek Office.


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